As we approach July 1, Canada Day, Canada’s 157th anniversary, it is worth reflecting on the history that shaped this wonderful if imperfect country of now 41 million. While not top of mind for everyone, part of that history relates to copyright! This year, 2024, marks a couple of milestones in the history of copyright in Canada. It is 200 years since the first copyright bill was introduced into the Assembly of Lower Canada and it is 100 years since the entry into force of the legislation that established Canadian copyright sovereignty, the Copyright Act of 1921. During those two centuries, Canada’s copyright history has paralleled its economic and political development, moving from struggling to assert its independence from Britain to learning to live beside and accommodate the economic colossus south of the border. Internationally Canada moved from largely being, or wanting to be, a copyright outlier to a nation that has fully embraced the international rules-based order of copyright (although there are still some areas that could be strengthened).
As noted by Professor Myra Tawfik in her new book, “For the Encouragement of Learning”[i], on February 9, 1824, a “Bill for the Encouragement of Learning by Securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies during the Times therein mentioned”, was introduced into the Assembly of Lower Canada (now Québec) by François Blanchet, an elected member of the Assembly. This wording mirrored that of the Statute of Anne, the first piece of British copyright legislation protecting authors, adopted in 1710, and the US Copyright Act of 1790. Blanchet’s Bill died on the order paper but subsequently, in 1832, the first piece of copyright legislation in what is now Canada was passed by the Lower Canada Assembly.
The second milestone was the proclamation, on January 1, 1924, of the Copyright Act of 1921 which, with minor amendments, established the copyright framework in Canada for decades until revised in the late 1980s. Although copyright was one of the powers granted to the new Dominion of Canada in 1867, (and indeed Canada passed, or attempted to pass, copyright legislation on several occasions), if that legislation conflicted with British interests and imperial copyright law, it was blocked by the British government. The Copyright Act of 1921 resolved those conflicts. It also brought Canada fully into compliance with the terms of the 1886 Berne Convention, the first international treaty on copyright, which for many years Canada had agitated to leave, having acceded to Berne as part of the British Empire when the Convention was established. (After a perfunctory consultation, Canadian Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald had sent a telegram to London agreeing). In 1928, partly as an assertion of sovereignty, Canada acceded to Berne in its own right but subsequently had doubts about having joined (in part because the United States was not a member). Today, Canada has fully embraced the international copyright system through accession to most international copyright treaties and full acceptance of the terms of Berne incorporated into the TRIPS Agreement (Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights), part of the World Trade Organization (WTO).
While the 1710 Statute of Anne provided, for the first time, protection to the authors of works, rather than printers, (for an initial period of 14 years, which could be extended for an additional 14 years), it did not apply to any British territories outside Britain, notably not to the North American colonies prior to 1776. Although amendments to the Statute in 1814 provided protection to British authors throughout the Empire, there was no protection for Canadian or other colonial authors unless they arranged to have their works first published in Britain and registered at Stationer’s Hall in London. Not surprisingly, very few did. The Lower Canada Copyright Act of 1832 established the first copyright in Canada for Canadian authors, although it only applied in what is now Quebec. However, after the union of Upper and Lower Canada in 1840 to form the Province of Canada, the 1841 Provincial Copyright Act, modelled on Lower Canada’s 1832 law, applied to both Canada East (Quebec) and Canada West (Ontario). Nova Scotia enacted its own copyright legislation in 1839.
Prof. Tawfik points out that much of the impetus for the introduction of early copyright legislation in British North America (BNA) came from a desire to encourage the publication of Canadian school texts. Given the dearth of local books at the time, various authors of local histories, maps and schoolbooks regularly approached the legislatures of the BNA colonies seeking financial support to print their works, either a subsidy to be provided in advance or a commitment to buy a certain number of the works at a predetermined price. While in some cases, subsidies were granted, a solution to the problem was to introduce a copyright law that would provide a means for authors to be self-sustaining through royalties. As Professor Tawfik notes, government in the colonies “…adopted the position that copyright relieved it of its responsibility to subsidize the printing of books” (p. 148).
Fair dealing was first introduced in Canada in the 1921 Copyright Act. The Act mimicked the 1911 Imperial Copyright Act which had, for the first time, enshrined fair dealing exceptions in British law, providing greater clarity than the previous common law approach. Fair dealing encompassed several exceptions to copyright protection, allowing unlicensed use of copyrighted works for specified purposes. At the time, these purposes were “research, private study, criticism, review or newspaper summary”. However, even if the dealing, or use, fell within these specified categories, other factors were also considered to determine whether the dealing was fair (e.g. amount or nature of the copying). That is essentially the position that prevails in Canada today, except that the list of specified fair dealing exceptions has been broadened to include, in addition to the original categories, parody, satire, and education, while the term “newspaper summary” has been broadened to “news reporting.”
The 1921 Act also brought Canada into conformity with Berne, a key concern of Britain given Canada’s reluctance to comply during the early decades of the Convention. The issue lay with printing rather than authorship and related in large part to the situation in the United States, where the printing lobby held sway in Congress. Initially the US refused to recognize the copyright of non-US residents and US printers freely copied (one might say “pirated”) British and other works. A couple of years ago, I discussed how Canada got caught in the crossfire on this issue. (International Book Piracy: How Canada Got Caught in the 19th Century British-US Copyright Wars). Joining Berne would have required the United States to recognize non-US copyrights (in return for US copyrights being recognized in other Berne countries), so it stayed out. In 1891 Congress passed the Chace Act whereby the US would recognize the copyrights of non-US authors provided that the work was printed in the US. In other words, the US would only recognize foreign copyrights if the foreign works were published there. Canadian printers wanted something similar. The Canadian Parliament tried to pass legislation containing compulsory printing requirements as a condition for allowing foreign and British works to enjoy copyright protection in Canada, only to have these laws blocked by London because of inconsistency with Berne and potential harm to British publishing interests.
While Canada was never able to successfully institute a manufacturing clause linked to copyright as the US did, nevertheless like the US it required registration for a copyright to be valid and limited the term of protection to a fixed number of years after publication. In 1908, the Berne Convention countries abolished registration as a requirement (copyright was established automatically with no formalities upon creation as long as other criteria like originality, nationality, fixation etc. were met), while it also established the minimum term of protection to be the life of the author plus 50 years. Canada was worried that its term of protection would be longer than in the US (giving American authors better protection in Canada than vice versa) and was also wary about abolishing registration. Yet Britain wanted to ratify the 1908 revision and since Canada had entered Berne as part of the British Empire, it needed to get Canada onside to do it.
This finally happened with the 1921 Act, although Canada maintained a compulsory licence provision applicable to non-Berne authors for many years. This was aimed at the US, although it was never used. It was designed as leverage to gain an exemption from the US manufacturing clause for Canadian authors, a measure that was eventually successful. Canada also retained a voluntary registration system. As mentioned above, as part of its goal to assert sovereignty through independent treaty-making, Canada joined the Berne Union as a separate entity in 1928.
Despite full accession, Canada had second thoughts about joining Berne for several decades thereafter, largely because of concerns about printing and a view that copyright generated more income for foreign authors in Canada than for Canadian authors abroad. In the 1960s, Canadian officials viewed the country’s international copyright obligations solely through an economic “balance of trade” lens, considering the amount of royalties paid to foreign authors for distribution of their works in Canada as an economic drain, with little offsetting benefit, ignoring social and cultural objectives entirely.[ii] At one point, Canadian officials even took the risible and unsustainable position that Canada was a “developing country” from a copyright perspective and was therefore entitled to weaken its level of copyright protection. The fact that at the time the UN definition of a developing country was limited to those with a per capita income of less than US$300 per year, and that Canada had the third highest per capita income in the world, did not help Canada’s case. This narrow, utilitarian point of view still has advocates as we saw during relatively recent discussions regarding whether Canada should extend its term of copyright protection to match that of the US, EU, UK, etc., with some commentators claiming (with no credible evidence, as I pointed out here) that extension would cost Canada between $100 million and $450 million annually. Total nonsense.
The problem of net copyright revenue outflow back in the 1950s and 1960s lay not with copyright of course, but with the fact that Canadian authors were not particularly prolific or internationally known at the time. It seems not to have occurred to Canadian officials that a strong reciprocal copyright regime might have fostered the growth of Canadian writing and provided a needed economic incentive. Happily, the explosion of Canadian literature has ended most of the parochialism. In particular, the cultural vibrancy of Quebec creators and their success internationally eventually helped push the Canadian government toward a more pro-creator position by the mid-1980s.
Subsequently, copyright and intellectual property (IP) generally become intertwined with trade policy issues. The Uruguay Round leading to the establishment of the WTO was underway, and IP, including copyright, was one of the issues on the table in the negotiations. The Canada-US Free Trade Agreement of 1989 committed both parties to cooperate in the Uruguay Round and in other international forums to improve the protection of intellectual property. Copyright became “coinage” in the negotiations, to be bundled with other issues (like dairy quotas, automotive rules of origin, or investment rules) as a means to achieve overall negotiating objectives. In 1989, the US finally acceded to the Berne Convention, further harmonizing the international rules governing copyright, and all WTO members incorporated its principal provisions through TRIPS when the WTO was established in 1995. By this time, the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) had been established (in 1970) to manage not only the Berne Convention, but other international treaties related to intellectual property, such as those dealing with patents and trademarks. As Canada has embraced trade liberalization and has meticulously adhered to the rules-based order in international trade out of its own self-interest, it has come to recognize and accept the benefits of a standardized international copyright framework and the benefit this brings in terms of cultural expression and cultural industries.
Copyright in Canada and internationally continues to evolve. The current challenge is AI, and the rules by which AI developers will be able to access copyrighted content to train their algorithms. Will there be a text and data mining (TDM) exception in Canada, similar to the fair dealing exceptions? If so, how broad, or how narrow, should that exception be in order to spur innovation without harming creators and cultural industries? Will there be further international rules to govern how AI and copyright can co-exist, and to what extent will Canada be a player in setting these rules?
Canada evolved from colony to nation as its copyright framework developed over the past 200 years. In the early days, Canada agitated for more control over copyright policy. When it achieved this, it played somewhat of a spoiler role, with one eye always on the US and its impact on Canada and the Canadian market. As Canada matured, it became more committed to playing by and contributing to the international consensus on copyright, although we are still an outlier in some respects, given the situation with educational fair dealing that has decimated the educational publishing industry and the incomes of many authors in Canada. This is a situation not faced in any other country—and needs to be fixed. Although we have come a long way, we still have some lessons to learn. It’s been quite a journey, and the journey continues.
This article was first published on Hugh Stephens Blog